On December 13, 1263, a deed was signed and sealed in London by which the King of France was appointed arbitrator between Henry III. and the Barons. Representatives of both sides repaired to Amiens to state their case. Henry in person arrived there on January 12, 1264, and remained until January 25th. Simon de Montfort started from Kenilworth in order to be present as leader of the Baronial party, but, owing to a fall from his horse, was so injured as-to be compelled to return before he had proceeded more than twenty miles.
The decision of Louis of France, delivered with much ceremony on January 23rd at Amiens, was practically hostile to the Barons. Both sides, however, seem to have construed the decision as suited to their particular views, and it was clear that peace would not be maintained. In the resumption of actual hostilities probably the Barons were the aggressors, evidence pointing in that direction.
Henry, on his part, began to prepare for war at Windsor, then marched to Woodstock, whence he summoned the leaders of his party to meet him at Oxford. On March 12, 1264, he ordered Oxford to be cleared of all the students, probably because he mistrusted them, and not without reason. On the following day the Bishop of Lichfield and the Archdeacon of .Norwich were named to go to Brackley in Northamptonshire to meet certain delegates from the Barons, the meeting to be presided over by John de Valencia, envoy from France. Immediately Henry was calling on all his adherents to arm and collect by March 30th. Still attempts at negotiation went on, but all came to nothing. London disregarded the award of the French king ; so also did the Barons of the Cinque Ports, and by the majority of the general public the same course was taken. The city rose on March 31st under the leadership of two citizens, by name Thomas de Puvelesdon and Stephen Buckerell. The bell of St. Paul's was rung to muster the malcontents, -who armed, and then proceeded to destroy the houses and property of those known to be Joyal, the king's own houses, and those of his brother Richard (titular king of the Romans), being included in the general destruction.
Simon de Montfort summoned; the Barons to meet at Northampton, where he raised the banner of Peterborough Abbey. Before, however, the assembly took place, Prince Edward, with a hastily raised force, assaulted the town. The assault took place on April 5th. Through the treachery of Guy, Prior of the Cluniac Priory of St. Andrew, a band of forty Royalist knights, under Philip Basset, was admitted through a secretly contrived and cleverly concealed breach in the convent wall. The garrison of the castle had been occupied meanwhile by a sham parley.
Basset took possession of the town with ease, and the castle surrendered two days later, Simon de Montfort, junior, being among the prisoners. Northampton was sacked, and many barbarities committed by the victors. The loss of so many important partisans was a serious blow to De Montfort. According to chronicles, the Oxford men ejected from their colleges were in afms, and did much execution during the fight at- Northampton with slings, bows, and crossbows, becoming' prisoners and narrowly escaping death after the fall of the castle. Simon de Montfort had already advanced as far as St. Albans to the relief of the besieged, when the news of the fall of Northampton reached him. He returned to London and retaliated by plundering the property of De Valena and other foreigner;:. The deposits of money in the Temple were seized, and :i general massacre of Jews took place on the plea of treachery intended by that ever unpopular and wealthy race, Montfort now besieged Rochester, using for the purpose of breaching the walls many curious engines of war of a kind till then unknown in England. Warenne, Hugh de Percy, Roger de Leyburne, and John Kitzalan defended the town and castle. By the means of a fireship Montfort destroyed the bridge and seized one of the city gates during the confusion, the garrison retreating into the castle. Rochester was then pillaged, the ecclesiastical buildings suffering severely. For several days the siege was pressed, but on news of the approach of1 the royal army Montfort withdrew, returning to* London on April 23rd. Prince Edward had in the meantime captured in succession Leicester and Nottingham, the latter, tike Northampton, being betrayed. Both towns were plundered, and he then determined to perform the same kindly office for London. Montfort had, however, forestalled him there by his return from Rochester. Edward therefore crossed the Thames at Kingston and marched straight for Rochester, reaching it on the fifth day after leaving Nottingham. It is said that the horses, not men, suffered heavily on this rapid march. A small body of Montfort's men, who had been left to blockade ' Rochester Castle, were captured, and as a punishment deprived of hands and feet.
Edward, on May ist, captured Tunbridge Castle, the stronghold of the Earl of Gloucester. This was garrisoned by royal troops under the command of twenty knights banneret. The army, with the king accompanying it, then turned to the Cinque Ports. Battle, near Hastings, was plundered, despite the fact that the monks, issuing in procession, met him en route thither. At- Winchelsea the army halted and summoned various of the Cinque Ports to send a fleet up the Thames to attack London. The Wardens of the Cinque Ports, whose sympathies were enlisted on the side of the Barons, refused. After a delay at Winchelsea which lasted three days, the king and his army left for Lewes, with the intention of concentrating the forces at that strong-place. Lewes was reached on May nth, but provisions were scarce, and much privation therefore was undergone by the rank and file both on the march and after arrival.
Montfort in London was now receiving most hearty support.
The royal cause was unpopular there, not only because the ting was unpopular but because the traders needed peace and thought that by supporting the Barons' party they were more likely to obtain it. Henry had touched their pockets frequently and deeply by fines and other illegal means of raising cash. Various cherished privileges had been set at naught, &c, and undoubtedly the king personally was hated in consequence; Hence to Montfort's standard flocked the London citizens, prepared to fight to the best of their abilities ; they did fight, but it cannot be said that their military achievements at Lewes were by any means a subject for either pride or congratulation. Montfort, at the head of an army variously estimated as numbering from 40,000 to 60,000 men, left London on May 6th. This estimate, like nearly all other estimates of numbers engaged in medieval battles, is probably much exaggerated. Forty thousand men might have fought on the side of the Barons at Lewes, but it is very improbable. Previous to a final battle, Montfort, after .consultation with the confederated Barons and clergy, made one more effort to avert further bloodshed, and for this purpose despatched Richard de Sandwich, Bishop of London, and Walter de Cantelupe, Bishop of Worcester, to treat with the king. They were empowered to even purchase peace by the offer of 50,000 marks as compensation for injuries done by the Baronial party at London, Northampton, Leicester, Nottingham, and elsewhere, with the sole stipulation that the provisions of a former arrangement at Oxford should be observed. The two bishops carried a letter, sealed, by Montfort and Gloucester, dated May 13, 1264 which was issued from the Baronial camp at Fletching, nine miles north of Lewes. Henry, with his army, had established himself at Lewes on May 11 th. The king occupied the Cluniac Priory of St. Pancras, south of the town. Prince Edward stayed in Lewes Castle with. Ware tine, whose stronghold it was. The negotiation, which occupied May 12th and 13th, came to nothing, and the two bishops returned to Fletching, bearing an answer from the king, couched in the plainest terms, to which was added a letter of mortal defiance, signed by Prince. lidward and Richard, king of the Romans.
Montfort then prepared for immediate action, and wisely. His army numbered less than that of the king. In the midst of a huge wood, for such was the place where it was encamped, it was impossible to remain long, and the country around, being thinly populated and destitute of supplies, could not maintain an army. Early in the morning of May 14th the Barons marched out from their camping ground—barons, knights, squires, and rank and file alike having assumed the badge of a white cross, which was worn both on the breast and on the back. It is stated that a strong religious sentiment pervaded the army, and that all at the hands of the Bishop of Worcester we're shriven on the preceding night. Montfort knew that he was outnumbered, and consequently cast about to take up such a strategical position as would place him in a position of advantage. Clearly to draw up in regular battle array, according to the method of the- times, and to await the onslaught of the superior force under the king, an onslaught delayed till they too had drawn up in battle order, would have been unwise, to use a mild term. Montfort's exact position was known to his enemies ; if he did not attack theni it was quite possible for a system of blockade to be established, and his already poorly supplied men would then inevitably starve. Much turned on whether the Royalists had scouts or had not, and, if they had, whether the duties of those scouts were efficiently performed. Advancing, therefore, southwards, as if marching directly on Lewes, Montfort's men, in the dim of early morn, slanted slightly westward before their march was visible from Lewes Castle, at a point probably near Offham, Thence, hidden behind the crest of the' ridge, they made their way along to Lewes Beacon, ascending the ridge via the Combe.
The site, at least the probable site, of the battle may be thus described. Old Lewes the town, which was walled, lay between the castle on the north and the priory at Southover on the south. The river .Ouse runs to the sea, intersecting two high ridges and half encircling the town. North of the town it bends south-east on its way to the sea, and on the eastern side Lewes Bridge stands. It is a tidal river, and at the time of the battle the incoming tide was wont to flood all the low ground south of the town. On the north of the town, and stretching westwards, is a high ridge from which jut out several spurs nearly parallel to one another. Lewes' Beacon is at the junction of the second and third spur, while beyond it westward is Mount Harry. On the east side of the river the ground rises very steeply, the highest elevation there being known as Mount Caeburn. At the Beacon Montfort surprised a solitary Royalist scout, who alone remained at his distant post, his fellows having without orders returned to the town the night before. Krom the scout much valuable information was obtained. The Barons' line of battle was now drawn up, the dispositions being as follows : On the left were the Londoners, under Nicholas de Segrave and Henry de Hastings ; on the right Henry de Montfort, and Guy, his brother, were in command, while the centre was led by Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester. Simon in person held a body of picked troops in reserve (a most unusual thing in battles of those days). Behind, on the ridge of the down, the baggage was left, and a kind of waggon, on which De Montfort's standard was mounted. This waggon is said to have contained certain prisoners, Londoners who had been seized as disaffected and taken away by the army on its march for safety. Over the baggage, the prisoners, and the standard, a sufficient guard was placed. In the royal army the disposition was this : Prince Edward commanded the right wing, Henry the centre, and Richard (king of the Romans) the Jeft wing. Montfort's army advanced down the slopes and were unperceived till they came into contact with a foraging party. Some of the foragers were slain, but the rest escaping, took into the town the news, and the royal troops were soon alarmed. Montfort was then hardly more than a mile from the castle, and not more than a mile and a half from the priory. Prince Edward armed himself hastily, and appears to have been the first in the field with his wing. To him were opposed the Londoners— that is, if they were seriously intended to enter into the fight.. There seems good ground, however, for supposing that the men under Segrave and Hastings were not intended to stand in the line with the rest. They were in advance of the other two bodies, .and it seems reasonable to accept a suggestion which has been made with regard to their intention, viz., that to them the duty of firing the town and delivering an attack in the rear flank had been committed. Edward, however, spied the Londoners, and with his wing charged them impetuously. Raw troops, unused to arms and unskilled, the Londoners fled incontinently, and were pursued with great slaughter for some miles. The waggon with the standard, the baggage and its guard, were descried, and supposing Montfort in person to be there, this was next the object of the prince's attack. The wretched Londoners, imprisoned in the waggon, were slain, despite their protestations of friendship. On sped Edward again in pursuit, heedless of the battle in his rear, which had by this time developed. Gloucester had now come to close quarters with the centre, led by Henry in person, and after a stubborn fight had succeeded in driving it back again into the priory. Montfort's right, under Henry and Guy, his sons, taking the easiest line down the slope, and consequently near, or quite near, to the centre, then fell on the left wing of the Royalists, under the king of the Romans. Success, however, was not immediate in this part of the field. Richard's men fought well and stubbornly, so much so that it was not until Montfort in person brought up his reserve that the fate of the Royalist left was decided. Then disaster overtook them, Richard himself being compelled to take refuge in a mill (? King's Mill) the door of which he barricaded. After a parley, in which many opprobrious epithets were bestowed on his Sacred Majesty, he duly surrendered. During alt this time the prince had been absent from the field, and now returned too late, only in fact to find the remainder of the royal army a wreck. Most of the leaders had fled, including Warenne, and the victorious army of the Barons were pursuing the fugitives through the town and into the marshy land to the south. Hundreds perished at the bridge (as usual), and in the river, into which they cast themselves in their eagerness to escape. In the marshes many men sank seated on their horses, perishing through the weight of their armour. Prince Edward made an unavailing attempt to throw himself into the castle, and then succeeded in gaining admittance to the priory, where he found the king. Late that night a truce was made, the prince surrendering himself as hostage for his father, and the Prince Henry of Almaine acting similarly for Richard, king of the Romans.
The causes which led to this defeat are nof far to seek. Skill in handling made up for inferiority in numbers. Wisely did Mont fort, who knew the disposition of the royal army, pit the comparatively useless Londoners against the pick of the royal troops. His alternative, to fire the town and attack in the rear, would have been equally efficacious. But Mont-fort calculated on the youth of the prince, and made allowance for his impetuosity; nor was he wrong in his calculations. Moreover, the grudge borne by Edward to the citizens was a strong one, and dated back to certain slights passed on his mother. Whether Gloucester defeated the royal left before r after the defeat of the royal centre seems'hard to settle in the absence of direct evidence. One thing is clear, however, and that is that the royal centre was cleft in twain, part escaping into the priory and part into the castle. It seems more probable that the defeated royal left suffered most heavily near to the town, while relics of the centre and stray fugitives were slaughtered on the bridge or drowned in the river. If 60,000 men fought on the king's side, as stated, the rout of centre and left wing would mean at' least 35,000 fugitives. Pits containing several hundred skeletons have been found in what was then open down, just outside the'"town, while on the high ground, where Prince Edward pursued the fugitive Londoners, smaller pits, containing from six to nine skeletons, have at times been discovered. The long lists of names extant show how universally, or almost universally, the barons of those days took one side or the other, liven assuming that the number of men engaged in these armies is greatly exaggerated, without doubt till Towton, in 1461, so many Englishmen were never again gathered together in strife.
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